Vulnerability and Risks for Female Producers in Shea Kernel Production

Adjoa Tsetsewa Annan

Researcher and Project Manager

5 min read
16/10/2024
Vulnerability and Risks for Female Producers in Shea Kernel Production
Shea is an indigenous plant native to the Sahel-savannah zone in 21 sub-Saharan African countries (Nafeo et al., 2017). Shea is the second largest source of symmetrical stearic acid-rich triacylglycerol and is used as a Cocoa Butter Equivalent (CBE) in chocolate production. Recently, it is the main ingredient used in beauty and cosmetic products and also used in the pharmaceutical industry (Wardell & Fold, 2013). Thus, Shea has become a unique resource but also a scarce commodity due to its difficulty in propagating it. Shea is among Ghana’s top industrial crops, alongside cocoa, rubber, coffee, and oil palm (MoFA, 2010; MoFA, 2013). About 90% of Shea kernel is exported mostly to processing companies, while 10% of butter is sold to the cosmetic industry (Laube, 2015; Rousseau et al., 2015). In Ghana the Shea tree is found in the northern parts of Ghana, and it is estimated to comprise three million rural women who depend on Shea as a source of income (BBC, 2016). This makes Shea commodity female gold, and its production is controlled by females across the northern parts of Ghana. Traditionally, Shea is processed into butter and oil, used in cooking, as a body cream, serves medicinal purposes, and plays a role in marriage, birth, and funeral ceremonies (Awo & Agyie-Sasu, 2016).
Shea is an indigenous plant

Local Shea Kernel Production Process

Shea Kernel production includes the stages of Shea harvesting, fruit de-pulping, nut parboiling, drying, nut de-husking, and bagging. The ripened Shea fruits are carefully picked by female producers on farms or in bushes. A soft skin indicates the fruit is ripened and can be easily de-pulped. Fruits that birds or snakes have eaten are avoided since this can affect the quality of Shea kernel. Female producers who gather Shea fruits from bushes describe the picking experience in bushes as competitive; the quantity of fruits collected depends on the pace at which one picks from the ground. Harvested fruits are carried to the houses by tricycles or mostly by carrying the load on the head. After harvesting, the fruit is de-pulped by removing the skin covering the nut. This is usually done by eating the fruit with the help of children or removing the skin by hand. In de-pulping, impurities and infested nuts are removed and thrown away. The nuts are then parboiled in large pans, and an indication of the reddish color of the nuts determines well-parboiled nuts. After parboiling, the nuts are spread on cemented ground to sun-dry, and it can take up to 5 days for nuts to be well dried. In drying, nuts are turned over from time to time until properly dried. The hard shell covering the kernel is removed by beating the nuts with sticks in order to break the husk from the kernel. After de-husking, nuts are stored in sacks and kept in storage rooms or warehouses, ready to be sold (Annan, 2014 and Participant observation (2017) during fieldwork in Tamale Metropolis and East Gonja Municipality of Northern Region in Ghana). Figure 1 depicts the harvested Shea fruit, parboiling, and drying stages of the Shea kernel production stages.

The pictures were taken during fieldwork (2017) in Tamale Metropolis and East Gonja Municipality of Northern Region in Ghana.

Risks During Production

  • Safety Risks:
    Women face snake bites during shea fruit harvesting in bushes. Animals compete for the fruits, leading to frequent encounters with snakes. A female producer’s narrative describes being bitten by a snake while collecting fruits, a common risk for harvesters (Farm diary, 2017).

"We wake up very early in the morning to go to the bush or sometimes to the farms. If we do not go early, we will not return home early. Thus, we normally go early. During harvesting, the snakes and other animals are always competing with us for the Shea fruits. The fruits taste delicious, and the snakes also enjoy the fruits. So, anytime we pick up, a snake may also bite us. It is very painful when a snake bites you. Sometimes, if you are not lucky, you might die or get very sick. There was a time I was bitten by a snake. I was very lucky my husband was around, so he took me to the hospital. But we encounter a lot of snake bites, especially when we pick from the bushes."

  • Health Risks:
    During parboiling, women risk burns and eye injuries from the steam and smoke of firewood, with limited access to healthcare further endangering their lives.
  • Unfair Pricing:
    The pricing of shea kernels excludes labor, transportation, and health costs incurred by producers (Wardell & Fold, 2013). Female producers face price discrimination, contributing to poverty and malnutrition in their communities. Throughout the stages of Shea kernel production (harvesting, fruit de-pulping, nut parboiling, drying, nut de-husking, and bagging), female producers incur extra costs, including transportation, processing cost (firewood, water), labor cost, and hospital costs. All these factors are key in formulating the price of Shea kernel. However, female producers remain price takers, and prices are dedicated and determined for them (Wardell & Fold, 2013). This act of price discrimination contributes to unfair pricing of Shea kernel. Unfair pricing may also lead to female Shea kernel producers not being able to take good care of their children, leading to malnutrition in children and worsening poverty in Shea communities.

Conclusion

Shea kernel production, dominated by women, is key to poverty reduction and female empowerment in Ghana. Despite its luxury status at the end of the value chain, shea remains undervalued at the raw material level, leaving female producers vulnerable. Global efforts must focus on improving shea pricing and empowering producers to negotiate better conditions. These actions would contribute to Sustainable Development Goals, including poverty reduction (SDG 1), zero hunger (SDG 2), gender equity (SDG 5), and decent work (SDG 8).

References

  • Pictures taken during fieldwork (2017) in Tamale Metropolis and East Gonja Municipality of Northern Region in Ghana.
  • Annan, A. T. (2014). Transforming the Lives of Poor Rural Women in the Shea Butter Industry through Entrepreneurship: A Case of Sagnarigu Shea butter and Soap Centre. Governance, Policy, and Political Economy (GPPE).
  • Awo, M., & Agyie-Sasu, F. (2016). The Global Value Chain of Shea Butter and Rural Producers in Northern Ghana. Africa’s Progress in Regional and Global.
  • BBC. (2016). Shea butter in Ghana: Hard labor for smooth skin. Retrieved from BBC.
  • Bello-Bravo, J., Lovett, P. N., & Pittendrigh, B. R. (2015). The evolution of shea butter’s “Paradox of paradoxa” and the potential for ICT to improve women’s livelihoods across Rural Africa. Sustainability, 7(5), 5752–5772.
  • Laube, W. (2015). Global Shea nut commodity chains and poverty eradication in northern Ghana: Myth or Reality?
  • Nafeo, A., Wallace, R., & Lovett, P. (2017). Shea Roadmap for Ghana in the Context of AgNRM. Feed the Future Ghana Agriculture and Natural Resource Management Project.
  • Wardell, A., & Fold, N. (2013). Globalisations in a nutshell: Historical perspectives on the changing governance of the shea commodity chain in northern Ghana. International Journal of the Commons, 7(2), 367–405.

Further reading

Integrating Farmer Innovation and Scientific Knowledge n Ghana’s Cocoa Sector for Sustainability

Smart Agriculture: Harnessing IoT and AI to Optimise African Farming